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Conservative Party

How not to pay tribute to former Czech president Vaclav Havel

 A classless act by Government House leader Peter Van Loan.   It’s not the first time this has happened.

Back in November, both she and a representative from the Bloc Quebecois were prevented from delivering Remembrance Day statements on two separate occasions.

And this folks is what drives me crazy about the Conservative Party.  It’s not the big issues.  I support changes to OAS and an austerity budget but it’s these petty and classless things that keep me from voting for them federally.  They have a majority but can’t seem to grasp that politics is not a continual campaign.  There can be time to allow the leader of Green Party to speak on Vaclav Havel and not risk losing control of their agenda yet no one in the PMO can seem to grasp that fact.

Big Yellow Taxi

Why Peter McKay’s “taxi” ride in a search & rescue helicopter strikes a nerve in Newfoundland.

Cormorant CH-149 helicopter

For centuries, families in Newfoundland and Labrador have grieved for those who went to sea and didn’t come home.

The risk continues. Fishing is among the most deadly jobs in the country, and the dangers inherent in travelling to the offshore oil rigs were made clear in the 2009 helicopter crash that killed 17.

Against this backdrop, search and rescue (SAR) is never just about dollars and cents for people in the province. There has been heated debate and raucous protests about the appropriate level of protection. All of which explains why the controversial helicopter ride by Peter MacKay, the ranking political minister in Atlantic Canada, touches such a hot button.

“In the context of cutbacks to basic [rescue] services, that’s pretty hard to swallow,” said Earle McCurdy, president of the Fish, Food and Allied Workers union. “Since 1973 there’s been 193 Newfoundlanders lost their lives in the fishery.”

What makes people really upset is that McKay took a helicopter that was really needed elsewhere.

Search and rescue for the province is handled out of a central location in Gander, where 103 Squadron gets twice the national average of distress calls. There, approximately 50 military personnel and 26 civilians, a unit that calls itself “Outcasts” and features on its badge a rescue dog named Albert, operate three Cormorant CH-149 helicopters.

Each of these choppers – the same type that fetched Mr. MacKay – can carry 12 stretchers and operate in icy conditions. A base spokesman could not be reached Friday afternoon, but the squadron’s website speaks proudly of covering “the lower Arctic, the Maritimes, Newfoundland and Labrador and all offshore waters in the region,” with round-the-clock capability.

But dissenting locals argue that the base is too far from the busy waters off the southeast part of the province, and that overnight response time is sub-par.

Military standards require that SAR crews be airborne within 30 minutes of receiving a call that comes in on a weekday, between 8 a.m. and 4 p.m. But the rest of the time they have two hours to get in the air. The latter standard falls below international norms and, given that work at sea doesn’t necessarily align with office hours, has sparked much criticism about a two-tier system.

Yeah, if I was a fisherman, I would be upset at McKay using the helicopter as well.  The Calgary Herald has this

Taking a search-and-rescue helicopter out of service to pick him up at a fishing lodge is, frankly, appalling. As opposition members asked Friday, would MacKay use an ambulance as a taxi?

In e-mails uncovered under access-to-information requests, search-and-rescue personnel crossed their fingers after the request came in to pick up MacKay and hoped for "a slow night" so that the helicopter – one of three stationed in the area – wouldn’t be needed for a rescue mission.

This is worse than Canada’s top general using government jets to whisk him about the country.

This is like taking a fire truck off the street and using it as a limousine for a cabinet minister.

The issue is not that cabinet ministers should never use military aircraft. Pilots need to log airtime to stay sharp. If a minister can hitch a ride, it’s not a big deal. But when a minister orders one up when he’s on a fishing vacation, and there is a chance that public safety could be compromised by diminished search-and rescue capabilities, that is inexcusable.

MacKay has long argued that he used the helicopter as part of a planned search-and rescue exercise in July 2010, but recently released Defence Department e-mails suggest otherwise. One military official said in an e-mail that they would use the "guise" of a training mission to explain why the helicopter was sent to pick up MacKay.

The e-mails are damning. They show officials scrambling to accommodate MacKay’s request to be picked up at a private fishing lodge at the end of a vacation and expressed concern that the Cormorant chopper might be needed for a real rescue mission.

I am a big Peter McKay fan but I am starting to wonder if Harper should drop him from cabinet on this one.  I know it won’t happen but this was an abuse of power.  This is how governments lose power.  It’s why we got tired of the Liberals and it’s why Canadians will grow tired of the Conservatives.  It’s not usually a big thing, it’s things like McKay’s user of a helicopter,  the Conservatives lying about Irwin Cotler and Clement’s G8 legacy fund.  It death by a thousand self-inflicted cuts.

Brian Topp

Last week I got an invitation from Pat Atkinson to meet NDP leadership candidate Brian Topp at Amigo’s Cantina last night.  I have always been fascinated by NDP leadership races, partly because they make absolutely no sense to me and I never know what is going to happen on the convention floor.  (yeah I just admitted that I watch leadership conventions for a hobby)

Brian ToppSince Topp was speaking to a partisan NDP crowd (I was on the only non-New Democrat there) I won’t go into the details but here are some observations.

  • Topp can give a good speech to a small group of people.  I don’t know if he will be electrifying in a convention hall or if he can do it in the House of Commons but I was impressed by his speech last night.  He was humble while articulated why he wants to become both NDP leader and Prime Minister of Canada.
  • I expected him to know his policy but I was impressed by how quickly and clearly he articulated it.  He was sharp in the Q & A.  I didn’t ask him any questions as I am not a card carrying NDP and the questions I would have asked him would have probably upset some people there and would have put him in an awkward position.  It wasn’t the place or time.
  • Topp classily distances himself from Layton and was open in giving permission to look at other leadership candidates.  He pointed out that he was not Jack’s heir apparent and that Jack wanted others to run for leadership as well. 
  • Topp reminded me a lot of both Ed Broadbent and Roy Romanow.  If you are an NDP leadership candidate, this is a good thing.
  • I know it’s early but there wasn’t any campaign material left by him and I find that his website is quite devoid of content and compelling reasons to vote for him.  While I found him last night to have a compelling story and a pretty good vision of the country, his website doesn’t communicate any of that. 
  • I wonder if he ever wakes up and looks at a selection of orange-ish ties and realizes, “I’ll be wearing a tie with orange in it for the rest of my life.”  For me, that would be enough to discourage me from ever running for NDP leader.
  • In light of this post by Wendy, I will point out that it was not a Sunday, I don’t think Topp is a Baptist, and there was not a single inappropriate joke told which means my grandfather could vote for him.
  • Unlike my previous attempts to chill out with a party leader, this one went really well.  Pat Atkinson had a nice crowd out and it was nice to chat with Nettie Wiebe for a couple of minutes.

In the end he has a really, really tough job ahead of him.  He spoke of forming government but even holding on to the seats the NDP have in Quebec is going to be tough without functioning constituency organizations and has less then 1700 members in Quebec.  While the road ahead is tough in Quebec, the NDP has stalled in it’s traditional heartland of the prairies.  Many blame electoral boundaries but the NDP message does not resonate in rural Saskatchewan, Alberta, or Manitoba like it used to.  Topp will have to change that if he hopes on growing the federal party out west.

Will he become Prime Minister?  Too early to tell and a lot can change over the next three years but more than any other NDP candidate on the horizon, I think he gives them their best shot.  It will be interesting to watch.

When do you stop spending?

Jim Flaherty said today that he would spend to defend Canada from another recession

Under questioning from opposition MPs, Flaherty said for the first time that the Conservative government would move in with another round of stimulus spending if the world economy suffers a double-dip recession.

“We would obviously do what is needed” if there was a “dramatic deterioration” in the economies of the United States and Europe, he told the committee.

But for now, Flaherty said, the government is not changing its budget plan despite the turmoil on financial markets and debt crises in the United States and Europe. The plan calls for spending cuts of $4 billion a year to eliminate the annual federal budget deficit — now $32-billion annually — in a few years.

Pressed by opposition MPs about how Ottawa would react to a renewed global slowdown, Flaherty said he would change course and develop a pro-growth spending plan as the Conservatives did during the recent recession.

Here is my problem with this problem.  Do any of us think that the United States/Europe is going to fix their problems in the next recession.  I am not saying Flaherty is wrong but does this look like it’s going away.  Jeff Rubin points out that with global demand the way it is, as we come out of a recession, prices will increase and drive the economy back into it which means, how many of these recessions will we be able to afford to ride out until we are looking at Mulroney-esqe debt loads and Devine type deficits again.

We are looking at a default or massive bailouts for Greece, Italy, Spain, Portugal, and the too big to fail banks in Germany.  There is a dysfunctional governance system in the United States, and even China has some long term economic problems.  Does anyone think this next recession is going to be a quick one or we won’t be experiencing a triple or quadruple dip recession before this is all said and done?  No, me neither.

I know Jim Flaherty has been seeking out the advice of economic experts like former Calgary Flames captain Jim Peplinski but may the alternative might be figuring out ways to reinvent Canada’s economy to thrive in a world where recessions will be the norm, not the exception.

Why the Canadian Wheat Board Still Matters

From the Calgary Herald

Essentially, grain growers in the Prairies (not the rest of Canada), are obligated to sell their wheat and barley destined for export, domestic milling or malting to the CWB. The board in turn sells those grains, and pools the final price back to grain farmers. Those grains destined for livestock feed in Canada are exempt from CWB control.

Overall, the CWB has usually been successful in selling grain at the highest price. The CWB is known as a legendary and fearsome international competitor, even out foxing the Americans in their own market. Not unexpectedly, the free trade Americans reacted by launching nine trade actions against Canadian wheat imports, all of which were defeated by the CWB.

However, some entrepreneurial grain growers noticed that there were times that their American counterparts were receiving higher prices from U.S. free market grain buyers. They blamed the CWB for not being able to pay such higher prices. Those growers were convinced that if they had the freedom to sell to anyone besides just the CWB, they could access those higher-priced markets. It was also felt that the CWB stifled the development of value-added processing like pasta production.

Of course prices are higher now.  The markets that the CWB found during the tough times of the 80s and 90s are forgotten and I think the author is right, the CWB did hurt a lot of local value added processing like pasta production.  One of the things I am concerned with is the loss of foreign markets.  Can a non-monopolistic entity meet some of the massive orders from China and from around the world the CWB did?

The privatization of the Australian Wheat Board has set a bad precedent of what might happen once monopoly powers are removed. That marketing entity couldn’t compete, was subsequently sold to private companies and has disappeared. Most anticipate a similar fate will face the CWB once its monopoly powers are removed.

Time will tell if eliminating the CWB monopoly will put an extra dollar in a grain grower’s pocket. Those located far from the U.S. border and seaports will find their grain shipping costs dramatically increased. And as with so many surplus farm commodities, producers may well find themselves competing for the lowest price. At least the CWB was able to mitigate and average out that all too usual practice.

Many farmers are going to lose out if the Canadian Wheat Board disappears.  This seems based more on a politics/ideology than it does on good policy.  At the same time there needs to be some flexibility for local value added efforts and initiatives.

Harper’s new cabinet

Saskatchewan votes Conservative in 13 of 14 ridings and we get one cabinet Minister (Hon. Gerry Ritz) and one Minister of State (Lynne Yellich) out of it.   

Regardless of Harper’s decision not to include more of us in cabinet (not sure who else is deserving), congratulations to the Hon. Lynne Yellich who has represented Saskatoon well as a Conservative MP and as Minister of State for Western Economic Diversification and I am sure will do well in her portfolio.

What I learned

  • Local MPs performance don’t matter much : NDP’s Vegas candidate won, their English speaking candidate in a 98% francophone riding won, Ken Dryden and Lawrence Cannon lost.
  • Never bring down a minority government when you are behind.  Ignatieff thought it was because Canadians weren’t paying attention to him, in truth, we just didn’t like him that much.
  • Party platforms don’t matter.  I asked a lot of people who were out door knocking if people at the door had read the party platform and the answer was “not one”.  The NDP offer up $70 billion in new spending and they still get 100 seats.  The
  • You have to think that in Saskatchewan the big losers are the Saskatchewan Liberals.  The vote totals were appalling and I doubt and of the campaigns will even break even.  For Ryan Bater and the Saskatchewan Liberal Party, you have to wonder if they will be looking at the same kind of vote numbers in the next provincial election.  There isn’t a lot to build on and nothing that would attract high profile candidates to run for them provincially.
  • Along the same lines, I feel awfully bad for Darren Hill.  He ran a good campaign, is a good city councilor but even liberals in Saskatoon aren’t voting Liberal anymore.
  • Warren Kinsella says that the Liberal dysfunction goes beyond Ignatieff.
  • The city/province needs to put a ban on lawn and campaign signs on public property.  Boulevards, ditches, and parks don’t vote.  Keep the signs out of the Meewasin Valley and out of the highway ditches.  Lawn signs are supposed to be a measure of support and I am pretty sure that the ditches on Highway 16 is non partisan.
  • I would have more respect for those calling for electoral reform if they didn’t just do it when Harper won.  I didn’t hear anyone calling for it when Jean Chretien won a majority with 37% of the vote.  Of course I say this with apologies to James Bow who has been calling for electoral reform consistently for years.
  • You should be able to opt out of the campaign if you wanted to.  Nine robocalls on the Sunday from the Conservatives (that being said, I think because I kept hanging up, they kept calling).  We probably had 15 calls from the Conservative call centre’s in Manitoba and Nova Scotia during the campaign.  That is getting obscene and is bordering on harassment.  Every live phone call that I got, I asked to be taken off their database and I was either hung up on (Manitoba) or told politely that they could not do that (Nova Scotia).  Frustrating.  As I have said before, letting the politicians design privacy laws is like letting foxes install a security system inside a hen house.

My vote

Mount Lougheed I became a Conservative in 1980.  I was six years old and I wandered in where my parents and friends were watching Pierre Trudeau defeat Joe Clark in the general election.  I asked what happened and I was told that a bad man had taken power and a good man had lost. Oh did I mention we were living in Alberta at the time.  Soon after that the National Energy Policy was enacted and according to my teachers, Peter Lougheed not only saved Canada from the rising tide of socialism sweeping across Canada but fought off the villains from Kryptonite as well.  I actually remember watching a documentary about Peter Lougheed climbing Mount Lougheed.  It was riveting.

When we moved to Saskatchewan, Grant Devine was in power and I got involved in Conservative campaigns when I was 12.  I even ran for the Bill Boyd lead Progressive Conservatives in 1995 (got my clock cleaned).  I left my partisan ways behind me, became a pastor and became officially non-partisan.  While we no longer featured a lawn sign in our front yard, I still voted Progressive Conservative and donated a little money when we could afford it.  I bought a membership to vote for Joe Clark during his comeback and even had a Carol Skelton lawn sign in 2004.

During that time, my own political worldview had changed.  During the 2003 campaign, Eric Cline knocked on my door and we had an engaging discussion about deficits, the complexity of the U.S. economy, and his residency in the riding.  As he left I promised I would vote for him, the first time I have ever voted for an NDP candidate.

As I approached this election, I realized I was truly undecided.  I want to like Stephen Harper.  He wears sweater vests, he plays the piano, knows hockey, and he’s funny when Rick Mercer drops by.

I trust him on the big things like the economy but the things that bothered me started to add up. 

  • resampled_big_20110326-Campaign-Gallery02-11Bev Oda should have just been fired.
  • Centralization of power in the PMO and the constant neutering of the cabinet ministers (so much for Team Harper, there is no team, it’s Steve).  Dimitri Soudas steps to the microphone more frequently than most ministers which asks the question, what the ministers other than Jason Kenney (courting minorities), Jim Flaherty (finance), John Baird (getting angry at people), and Tony Clement (tweeting it live as it happens) doing?
  • He’s a tactician but I want a visionary.  I don’t get any indication that Harper has a big picture or dream for Canada.  He’s a competent manager and an excellent political thinker but I don’t see a lot of vision there.
  • Harper was just found in contempt of Parliament because he would not tell Canadians how much things cost.  Is this not why a Parliament is so important, to hold the government responsible.  Rewarding that seems wrong to me.  I know bringing down the government on that was a bit of a political game but the Speaker’s ruling was not.  It bothers me and shows a pattern of distrust for democracy that goes back to Harper’s Reform Party days.
  • The idelogical war against Insite.  As this excellent editorial in The StarPhoenix points outConservative Leader Stephen Harper has promised that within 100 days of achieving a majority mandate he would present Parliament with an omnibus crime bill that would in effect revert Canada’s legal and health systems to 19th-century standards.
  • I hate the level of income tax I pay as much as the next person but we need taxes.  Taxes aren’t evil, they are a part of being a community.  We need to come together to share the costs.  The right’s approach to taxes is that they are a burden on society and I despise that language.  By coming together as a country, we can do a lot more than I can do as an individual and that costs money.  At the same time, if you are going to bash taxes, stop spending our money like an idiot.  Chretien knew this.  G8/G20 summits don’t need fake lakes, nor do they need the kind of costs that you spent.  As PostMedia News pointed out, So the G20 summit, in Toronto, ended up costing $679 million. About $574.6 million was spent on security. Canada shelled out a lot more, however, than other countries that have hosted similar summits. The 2009 G20 summit, for example, set the United Kingdom back $20 million, with another $28.6 million spent on security, according to research out of the University of Toronto. In a July 2010 report, the U of T researchers say that between $129 million and $200 million was spent on Canada’s 2002 G8 summit in Kananaskis, Alta.
  • Where were the Conservative MPs during the potash debate?  Prorogued?  Held captive?  Away from the newspapers, telephones, email, and all other forms of communication?  Thank goodness Brad Wall or Dwain Lingenfelter didn’t waste anytime lobbying them and instead went to people that make decisions because they contributed nothing to the debate.

It isn’t just Harper’s performance as leader that I struggle with, I have some problems with Kelly Block as a local MP.  See part of me is spoiled by some great local representation.  A couple of years ago Wendy emailed Darren Hill about an abandoned lot and within minutes Hill and the fire department were both looking at it.  Over the next couple of days, Wendy was sent and forwarded a deluge of emails while the problem was resolved.  I was impressed and we both became avid supporters of Darren Hill.  In some ways if he was running in Saskatoon Rosetown Bigger, it wouldn’t even be close who we would be voting for.

Cam Broten replaced Eric Cline and has been a great MLA and local representative.  I think he was the first Saskatchewan politician on Twitter and alongside Pat Atkinson should be the model of how to use social media as a politician.  Of Twitter doesn’t make Cam a great MLA, he’s approachable, helpful, and fun to talk to.  

In my previous dealings with Carol Skelton, despite being in cabinet, she personally answered my emails and invited further conversation and comment.  I really appreciated that about her.  She also would periodically stop in and comment or email about something on Wendy’s or mine blog which was nice.  While she had constituency staff, I never dealt with them and always with Skelton, even if it was on minor issues.

A little over two years ago, a friend had a major issue that needed an MP to help with.  She emailed Kelly Block and was emailed promptly back the Conservative talking points on the subject by a staffer.  The staffer didn’t even acknowledge the situation.  I understand MPs can be busy but it was when government was prorogued and even if wasn’t, what else is there for a backbench MP to do than reply to constituent concerns.  At the same time, some of the Saskatchewan Party and NDP MLA’s were contacted.  Every MLA but one responded personally immediately and promised to work on the issue, even though it was a federal one.  The one MLA who did not respond immediately was travelling and was in an area where there was no cell phone coverage.  Once he was back in touch, he got involved as well.

As I watched this and read the responses, you had some MLAs working their butts off on the subject and then you MPs who had nothings else to do other than work on constituency concerns, having their staff send out talking points.  I realized then that something was wrong.  It happened on a couple more occasions where an inquiry into Block’s office were met with talking points from an staffers.

Speaking of staffers, it’s hasn’t been a strength either.  In 2010 it was Kelly Block’s Ottawa aide, Russell Ullyatt who leaked some confidential memos to lobbying groups in a huge breach of confidentiality (and stupidity) and was running a direct mail company out of her Ottawa office.  He was no stranger to controversy but Block defended him with this,

“I certainly didn’t Google Russell Ullyatt,” Ms. Block said, adding she checked all his references before giving him a job.

Speaking of jobs, there was rumors that Ulyatt was running a printing company out of Block’s office.

Liberal MP Yasmin Ratansi told reporters later the board of internal economy — the secretive, all-party committee that oversees the operation of the House of Commons, including MPs’ offices — is also investigating suspicions that Ullyatt was actually running a private political printing and mailing business out of Block’s office.

Joe Preston, the Tory chair of the procedural committee, appeared to suggest the same, although Marcel Proulx, the Liberal member of the internal economy board, refused to confirm the investigation.

Opposition MPs say they’ve seen expensive printing, paper-folding and envelope-stuffing equipment delivered to Block’s office. They’ve also seen huge stocks of brochures sitting in the hall outside her office.

A charge he denied.

Ullyatt told reporters on his way out of the committee that he operates his printing company out of his garage.

“I can’t even park my car in my garage because it’s chock full of equipment so, no, I do not operate a company out of a member of Parliament’s office,” he said.

Sadly the Conservative members of the committee would not let questions about the business be asked.

The Conservatives forcefully objected when opposition MPs tried to steer questions to the subject of Mr. Ullyatt’s private printing company, which has boasted of sending more than five million pieces of mail in the past two years as “Canada’s only completely political mail provider.”

New Democrat Thomas Mulcair, who has said he’s seen a “very elaborate printing machine” and pallets of boxes outside Ms. Block’s office, tried to ask why the Saskatchewan MP would need these materials. But Joe Preston, the Conservative chairman of the committee, said the questions were irrelevant to the leak of the budget report.

Parliamentary rules do not allow MPs’ offices to be used for activities that are clearly of a private interest, and a secretive all-party Commons body called the Board of Internal Economy is investigating whether Mr. Ullyatt was running a business out of Ms. Block’s office.

Ms. Block cut short her testimony to MPs on Thursday, saying she had “other commitments.”

She left after one hour, refusing to stay for a scheduled second hour of hearings and declining to answer any questions from journalists as she departed. Fellow Conservatives defended Ms. Block, noting that as an MP she is not legally required to appear before committees at all.

Speaking of mail outs, for the last couple of years we have been inundated full of Tory caucus prepared mail outs warning us of scary coalitions, sex offenders getting out of jail early, and other bad and evil things that Liberals and the Bloc does.  Most ignore the NDP which is kind of ironic because that is her biggest challenger in the riding.  Perhaps she may have been better served hiring Russell Ullyatt’s firm to do her constituency mail outs.

As I looked over them over the past year I realized that she wasn’t representing me in Ottawa, she was busy trying to sell the Conservative agenda back here.  Maybe that is why she had to outsource her email.

So what are my options?

The Liberals are dead in Saskatchewan.  No offense to Darren Hill who is a great city councillor but the Liberal brand has been dead in Saskatchewan since the early 90s and outside of Ralph Goodale, there is no Liberal presence in the province.  Early on in the campaign I couldn’t even find active Liberal riding associations and the leader of the Saskatchewan Liberal Party goes offline for extended periods of time and only has 314 followers on Twitter and most of those are other politicians.  The Liberal Party in Saskatchewan doesn’t have a ground game and their fan base rivals that of the Phoenix Coyotes.  While it may or may not have made a difference, their campaign platform left me thinking, “this is it?”  You have Michael Ignatieff as leader, Bob Rae in the front benches, you have that thinkers conference and this is the best you can do?  A grant for college?  Yes I did like the Green Renovation Credit, it can hardly be called innovative and there isn’t what you would call much in the area of energy policy and while the Freshwater Strategy looked exciting, there really is nothing there.

Plus, as Chantal Hebert writes, they did this to themselves.

Liberal strategists did not factor a potentially surging NDP into their calculations because they presumed the Liberals were playing against the Conservatives in the major leagues and the NDP was not.

They approached the election with the mindset of a governing party but the physique of a third party.

When they plunged headlong in a spring campaign, the Liberals had been mired in the mid-twenties in the polls for an unprecedented length of time; they were at a historical low behind the NDP in Quebec and exhibiting little signs of life in the Prairies.

A base can only erode for so long — as the Liberal base has for decades — before it starts to disintegrate.

On a personal level, I am really disappointed in Michael Ignatieff.  I get disappointed when I hear the Liberals scream for a bailout package to help hurting Canadians, complain it isn’t enough and then point out the size of the deficit.  Tell me again how that works?  Or what about the stance against the CF-35s.  Now there is a debate that needs to be had over that programme and you would assume given Ignatieff’s background, he would see that?  Are 60 F-35s enough?  Can it compete against the new MiGs, Flanker H, PAK FA, and Chinese planes that are being designed for export (apparently not) and should Canada be purchasing air superiority planes or attack aircraft?  Should be looking at an interim purchase like Australia is until the F-35s can prove themselves?  Instead Ignatieff says, “Let’s have an open competition.”  Makes sense until you realize it would be between the F-35 and the equally over priced Eurofighter Typhoon and the F-35.  There are no other options unless we want to purchase Russian and that will go over well at the NATO meetings.

It was the NDP who made the most amount of sense on this issue.

Layton indicated that the country has not had a defence white paper since 1994 and that a new white paper needs to be developed setting Canadian defence priorities before decisions on new fighters can be made.

Jane Taber and John Ibbitson quote a “senior Liberal” complaining about Ignatieff’s performance on the campaign trail.

…for example, that while the party’s health-care ads were being run on television, Mr. Ignatieff was talking about “rising up” and calling the Tories anti-democratic. He was repeatedly blown off message and seemed to come up with new themes almost daily, from concern-for-democracy to health care to wasted spending on the G8 and G20 summits. This confused voters.

layton_official My other option is to vote NDP federally.  Whoa.  I need to think this through.  There is a difference in my mind between the Saskatchewan NDP and the federal NDP.  Since NDP in Saskatchewan often get elected, they tend to pragmatists.  Sure there is an ideology there but if the ideology doesn’t fit the problem, the NDP can adapt and change.  They also don’t do things like promise $70 billion in new spending.  They also think before speaking about credit card interest caps that would a) make it harder for the poor to get credit cards and b) encourage more consumer debt.  Brilliant.  What’s next?  Variable rate mortgages for the masses?

What’s the cause of all of this? 

I think part of it has been three consecutive minority governments.  It turns every day into an epic struggle to either defeat or survive the next confidence vote.  In many ways the campaigning non-stop since 2005 which keeps party from seeking grassroots renewal and input.  It also puts all three parties into a crisis mode where all policies and ideas have to work RIGHT NOW because one misstep could either give Stephen Harper a majority or alternatively cause a government to fall.  Once you get into that mode, it’s hard to get out of it.  The additional risk is that the next loss could end the career of Ignatieff (done like dinner), Harper (likely done) or Layton (we have a winner).  Of course if a majority government is elected, the other parties can enter into a renewal process.

So I am left to choose between three tired leaders who are promising the status quo, nothing interesting, or a World Bank/IMF bailout and intervention if elected.  What a choice to make.

4o5ke In the end, I am going to lend my vote to Nettie Wiebe.  I don’t think Jack Layton will win power and in the end the seat is probably already going to the NDP anyways.  I do value strong MPs and I think that Wiebe will be that voice for the riding.  I don’t agree with Wiebe and everything but she has run three campaigns now with a lot of integrity and that is worth something.  My hope is that by actually seeing the possibility of power for the first time, Layton and the NDP brain trust will rethink the next campaign in 2013 and put together an economic plan that is fiscally responsible.  Saskatchewan and Manitoba NDP do it all of the time. 

I guess the NDP have a choice.  Do this interpret this as a sign that Canadians want them to spend us into bankruptcy or is it a sign that they are truly frustrated with the Conservatives, Bloc, and Liberals and want to see what they will do as a government in waiting.  At the same time it may send a message to the Conservatives and the now third place Liberals that a different approach is needed.  Plus it may be fun to see Bob Rae go head to head with Jack Layton in the next campaign.

It’s not a decision I am comfortable with but right now I don’t see another realistic option. 

All Candidates Forum in Saskatoon-Rosetown-Biggar

I got an email from Doug Ramage and the Saskatoon Riversdale Community Association that they are hosting an all-candidates debate on April 28th.  All of the candidates except for the incumbent Kelly Block have committed on attending.  Hopefully the Conservative campaign will change their mind and decide to participate in this forum.

Speaking as an undecided voter, it matters to me how my MP thinks and sees the world.  I know the trend has been to put the leaders in bubbles and hope for the best but on election day, who the local candidate means a lot to me. 

Welcome Home

The new Conservative ad is not bad (nothing that distinguishes it from the NDP or Liberals) but nothing compared to this ad by Tim Horton’s.  Update: The Liberals are saying that it is actually a remix of a Tim Pawlenty/Tea Party commercial)

The Campaigns in Saskatoon

I was looking for a list of nominated Saskatoon candidates for the federal election and I realized that none listed, even the Liberals don’t have a complete list of nominated candidates on their site (same thing happened under Stephane Dion) and while the NDP don’t have a list of their candidates anywhere.  So after spending some quality time with Google and Wikipedia, here is a list of what’s happening in Saskatoon, past vote totals, and my thoughts of what is going to happen in 2011.

Saskatoon Rosetown Biggar

  • Incumbent: Kelly Block (won with 45.4% of the vote)
  • Challenger: Nettie Wiebe (lost with 44.5% of the vote – only 153 votes separated them last election)
  • Taking it for the Team:  Lee Reaney (Liberals took only 4.4% of the vote last time) and Vicki Strelioff (Greens took 4.6% of the votes in 2008)

What to Expect: It will come down to under 1000 votes and in the end will be determined by which candidate can correctly identify and get out the vote.  The urban vote will go to Nettie Wiebe while the rural vote will come out for Kelly Block.  It’s going to come down to campaign organization, a ground campaign, and who has the motivated voters.  Of the three factors, the first two will be determined locally and as for motivated voters, that will come down to the leaders.  In other words this is one of the few ridings in Saskatchewan that could be in play and my gut feeling is that Nettie Wiebe will win it by a couple of hundred votes.  NDP voters seem more motivated than Conservative ones who are starting to doubt Harper a little bit, the Green campaign doesn’t seem as strong and the Liberals aren’t running seriously in the riding.  With that close of an election last time, that is all it could take.

Saskatoon Humboldt

What to Expect: The wildcard in this riding is Darren Hill, a popular city councillor for Ward 1.  He is running very aggressively for the Liberals and has been for some time.  That being said the Liberals have run former mayor Henry Dayday, former NDP MP and provincial cabinet minister Chris Axworthy (who had won that riding in the past), and city councillor Tiffany Paulsen and they all lost soundly.  His campaign isn’t helped by the disappearance of the Saskatchewan Liberal Party which seems to be running to the right when it is running.   In the end I expect that Darren Hill and Denise Kouri will split enough votes that Trost will win again.  The vote swing is just too great.

Saskatoon Waneskewin

  • Incumbent: Maurice Vellacott (2008 campaign website) won with 56.50% of the vote and spent very little money in the process.
  • Taking it for the team: Everyone else. Patricia Zipchen (Liberal had 12.39% in 2008), John Parry (NDP had 24.36% of the vote in 2008), Mark Bigland-Pritchard (Green took 6.73% of the vote in 2008).  No one else has a chance of winning this seat.  The Liberals have twice run Chris Axworthy while the NDP tried former mayor Jim Madden.  Both increased the vote total but neither made a serious challenge at Vellacott.  While Vellacott’s big vote totals suprise many, his social conservatism appeal to the very motivated rural voters in the riding and the party’s positions appeal to the largely upper middle class suburban voters.

What to Expect: While this riding has switched to the NDP in the past (Ray Hnatyshyn lost in 1988 to Chris Axworthy), it has been redistributed to the point where the traditional NDP areas have moved to Saskatoon Rosetown Biggar and the traditionally Conservative polls were left in Saskatoon Waneskewin.  This means that Vellacott will win big, continue to add to his MP pension, say a couple of controversial things, and rest comfortably on the backbenches of Canada’s Parliament.

Blackstrap

What to Expect: Lynne Yelich will win without breaking a sweat.   She is well liked both in the city and in rural areas and is a dark horse candidate for cabinet if the Tories win again.

Agree? Disagree?  Let me know in the comments.

My political worldview

CBC's Political Compass

Economically (apparently I prefer deficits) and on defence spending I agree with the Conservatives but on Senate Reform, Quebec, and Moral Values, I am with the Liberals.

It’s kind of a fun survey but I realized that locally I find myself politically at odds with four of the city councillors at the left end of the political spectrum and yet I would vote for each of them if I lived in their wards.  I explain that in that all four of them do a really good job of communicating their positions, do their jobs with integrity, and have the best interests of the city at heart so there is more to voting than 30 questions that determine my political ideology.  It’s the same reason I voted for Eric Cline and now for Cam Broten.  It’s also why local campaigns matter.  It’s a fun tool though and I agree with Warren Kinsella that it shouldn’t be taken that seriously.

As for local campaigns, Kelly Block and Nettie Wiebe are running in Saskatoon Rosetown Biggar.  As always, the race will be too close to call.  The Liberals are running Lee Reaney and the Green’s are running Vicki Strelioff.  Neither will make an impact in the campaign and as far as I could find, neither have a campaign headquarters.

The gloves are off

Dan Gardner in the Ottawa Citizen on the bare knuckle politicking that is going on now.

Readers will remember that the original "Enemies List" was compiled by Richard Milhous Nixon, a lifelong politician whose defining qualities were tactical ruthlessness and a burning sense of resentment for "eastern elites." Sound familiar?

I don’t buy the argument that Stephen Harper is successfully moulding Canada in his own image. But the Conservative party? Oh yes. No previous generation of Conservatives behaved like Harper and Company. Just try to imagine any other Conservative prime minister defending legislation on the floor of the House of Commons by smearing a Liberal MP’s father-in-law.

The change isn’t solely Stephen Harper’s doing, of course. It’s also the product of American influence.

The prime minister and the people around him have all followed American politics their entire lives, they all have close connections with American politicos, and many have actively participated in American politics. In the American system, the idea of political neutrality scarcely exists. Senior civil servants are political appointees. Judges are identified as Republicans and Democrats and the Supreme Court routinely splits along political lines when ruling on politically contentious cases. There is no Governor General or Queen above politics -nothing is above politics. Indeed, the closest thing to neutrality in American politics is "bipartisanship," which is quite a different creature.

It’s also important that the Harper Conservatives are connected to, and influenced by, the American conservative movement. As Rick Perlstein showed so brilliantly in Nixonland, that movement was shaped in important ways less by the sunny nature of Ronald Reagan than the dark insecurities of Richard Nixon. Conservatives are outsiders. They have to fight dirty because power lies with a ruthless and entrenched elite. It’s civil war. And it never ends: Even in the middle of the Bush years, when Republicans controlled the White House, Congress, and the Supreme Court, conservatives sincerely saw themselves as hard-pressed and persecuted insurgents.

Just like the underdogs of the PMO.

Why being a politician is no fun

Great post by David Atkin

And now we have Stephen Harper’s rock concert. For the last several weekends, the prime minister has been having some buddies over to his house to play a little music in the basement. They managed to put together a decent little five-song set and thought it would be fun to play them in public. So they set up their gear on the stage at the annual Conservative caucus party, invited the media and their cameras in, and everyone had a lot of fun rocking the joint.

But of course, Liberal hyper-partisans can’t let a Conservative prime minister have a little fun so they’re throwing mud at the guy this morning and any journalist who reported on the affair. One "senior Liberal" told The Globe and Mail that they were upset Harper’s rock concert wasn’t bilingual. You read that correctly.

Conservative hyper-partisans aren’t any better. They laughed and ridiculed the Liberal leader when Iggy got jiggy with it at MuchMusic earlier this summer. And those Conservative hyper-partisans are the reason some Liberal MPs in Baddeck felt they couldn’t enjoy a couple of dances if anyone pulled out a camera.

Preston Manning was right

According to Warren Kinsella anyways

The second lesson of that historic night is this: As long as the Bloc Québecois exists – and as long as vote-rich Ontario remains split between Tories, Grits and New Democrats – no party will be able to win a majority in the House of Commons.

Prime Minister Stephen Harper is closest to realizing that dream, of course. Two of the three recently-announced by-elections in Ontario and Manitoba will likely result in Conservative wins – placing Harper a wee bit nearer to a Parliamentary majority.

But in a general election, seasoned observers expect Harper will lose most of his 11 Quebec seats. And no one expects he will be able to offset that in the way that Chretien did – namely, by winning virtually every single one of Ontario’s 106 Commons seats.

And so, we will continue to get what we’ve got: A Conservative Party on the cusp of majority power, and a Liberal Party that has a much greater way to go. With the separatist Bloc, and a splintered Ontario electorate, standing in the way of the aspirations of both.

Harper’s temptation, perhaps, might be to do what Chrétien did: Hug the centre, and jettison his opposition to things like the long-gun registry, same-sex marriage and liberal immigration rules. In that way, he might attract enough urban youthful and female voters — the ones that have so far eluded him.

But in doing so, Harper knows he risks blowing apart the Conservative coalition in the way Brian Mulroney did — driving Westerners back into a Reform-style option, and Central and Atlantic Canadians back to a Progressive Conservative model. So he’s stuck.

Preston ManningIf I remember correctly, Mannings idea for forming the Reform Party (that’s Refoooooooooooooooorm Party for you old Manning supporters out there) was that he felt that Canada’s political scene was going to disintegrate into regional parties.  Libs and the PCs in Ontario and Atlantic Canada, Bloc (or something like the PQ) in Quebec, and the NDP chipping away votes all over the place which would make it really hard for someone to win enough support to get a majority.  Chretien may be the exception that proved the rule in that he won Ontario so handily and was strong enough in Quebec and eastern Canada to win three straight majorities.  To counter Chretien’s strength, Manning tried to create a national party while it’s membership wanted to keep everything that make the Reform Party unattractive to Ontario and Quebec voters so we have the stalemate that we have now and probably will have until the NDP and Liberals can cobble together a stable coalition government that doesn’t include the Bloc.